러시아어 '여격-동사원형' 구문(Dative-Infinitive-Constructions, DIC)에 나타나는 존재문(Existentials) 연구

초록

This research examines the overall characteristics of the existential structures expressed by Dative+Infinitive Constructions (henceforth, DIC) including the compound negated form of ‘NÉ-+[Wh]-word+VINFINITIVE' in Russian. This topic has been in the center of many linguists’ interest from a perspective of syntax, semantics, construction grammar, and morphology, etc. This stressed negative expression ‘NÉ+[Wh]-word+VINFINITIVE form’, so-called traditionally ‘NE-K-I’, where K stands for [Wh]-word/interrogative, is closely related to various linguistic issues, such as personal-impersonal constructions, monoclausal-biclausal sentences, subjecthood, dative subject, control and binding, modality, and so on. The goal of this paper is to clarify if or not the given DIC, including affirmative sentences and stressed negative expression ‘NÉ-’, is an existential sentence, and consequently a series of issues, i.e., the mechanism of case assignment, tense marking, and the role of infinitive that function as Free Relative Prominal/cluause(henceforth, FRP) in DIC. First of all, affirmative existential constructions of DIC have the structure of 'Dative+есть+[Wh]-wordFRP+ VINFINITIVE', where BEEXISTENTIAL 'есть' is indispensable. On the contrary, the negative existential constructions have the structure of ‘NÉ-[Wh]-word+VINFINITIVE', where BEEXISTENTIAL 'есть' must be omitted because 'есть' and ‘NÉ-’ are in the complementary distribution. The negated expression could be either 'NÉ+[Wh]-word' or 'NÉ+PREP+[Wh]-word'. Infinitive, which consists of free relative clause with [Wh]-word, i.e., relative pronominal, is responsible for case assignment of [Wh]-word. The prefixal negative particle ‘NÉ’, having originated from 'не есть > несть > нет> не [wh] > нé-[wh]', indicates ‘Negation of Existence’, which triggers the case shift of NOM/ACC > GEN. For instance, Мне есть где спать vs Мне (*есть) нéгде спать, Ему есть что делать vs. Ему (*есть) нéчего делать. When the particle 'NÉ' is combined with a prepositional phrase (PP), it is not concerned with case assignment. For example, нéчего делать, нé о чем заниматься, and вам нé за что благодарить, etc. Secondly, DIC proves to be a bi-clausal sentence in that tense marking occurs with 'было' in front of infinitive verb that assigns case to its internal argument. This is associated with the issue whether 'есть' is a matrix verb, or just tense-marking particle 'было'. Apart from the above-mentioned, there is a variety of linguistic issues with DIC. Especially, dative subject of DIC is eligible for control, government and binding as well as nominative subject of normal sentences.

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